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A Christian cross on a Bay Area hilltop was removed. The fight to resurrect it is heading to court. – East Bay Times
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A controversial 28-foot Christian cross perched atop Albany Hill Park for more than five decades is officially gone.
Well, at least for now.
Early on June 8, the city quietly removed the electrically illuminated steel and plexiglass cross, which the Albany Lions Club installed in 1971 on then-private land. The hushed removal was Albany’s attempt to finally allay accusations of constitutional violation, address residents’ resentment about one religion being given preference over others, and free up more space on the 1.1-acre plot of what is now public park space.
But the cross’ ouster is only the latest chapter in a contentious years-long fight between the city and the Lions Club, a community service group, which has traditionally lit up the cross every Easter Sunday and Christmas week. The city is now “preserving” the cross in storage, but city officials did not respond to repeated requests for clarification on its current location, citing pending litigation.
“The city has actually put its money where its mouth is, and our city looks a little bit more accepting now in a way that we think is consistent with our values,” Mayor Aaron Tiedemann said in an interview. “For the small local group of people that really want to see the cross stay, when you’ve had such privilege for so long, losing it feels like being oppressed. That’s going to be an adjustment for folks, but I think we will all get used to it, and I think it’s a real benefit.”
In 2015, groups including the East Bay Atheists and the Freedom From Religion Foundation sent letters to the city demanding its removal. Besides invoking the separation of church and state, they also said the power line that runs up the hill to light the cross posed a fire danger. When PG&E cut off electricity to the line at Albany’s request in 2017, the Lions Club sued, claiming the shutdown was “part of a harassment campaign to force the cross off the hill.” According to court documents, PG&E replaced the line before restoring power.
A federal judge then ruled in June 2018 that the cross violates the establishment clause of the First Amendment because governments are forbidden from promoting one religion over another. The 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld that decision in December of 2019.
Hubert “Red” Call, a Lions Club member and councilman who had the cross installed in 1971, set up an easement to ensure its preservation before selling his land to a developer, who later gave the property to the city in 1973 to use as a park.
But by April 2022, the Albany City Council unanimously decided to acquire the land hosting the cross by eminent domain. As required through the lawsuit process, the city plans to compensate the Lions Club for taking over the easement.
A trial set for July 17 will officially rule if the city is legally allowed to do this and how much Albany must pay, but in January the court granted the city’s request for “prejudgment possession” of the easement where the cross was erected, which green-lit the structure’s removal before a final decision is reached next month.
The Lions Club unsuccessfully tried to appeal the decision in March.
While Albany could technically skirt the constitutional problem by simply selling the land to the Lions Club, Tiedemann, the mayor, said the decision to get rid of the Christian symbol altogether was more aligned with the current community’s values.
Tiedemann, who grew up in Albany, said people have long complained about the cross for a litany of reasons: it symbolizes a preference of one religion over others, offends some members of the city’s diverse communities, is reminiscent of KKK cross-burnings in the East Bay hills in the 1920s, and is an eyesore.
But the Lions Club has continued to argue in court that the cross’ ouster is tantamount to “desecration of (a) sacred symbol.”
Robert Nichols, the Lions Club’s attorney, argues that Albany created this problem in the first place. He said the city made a commitment to the Lions Club roughly 52 years ago that the cross would be preserved for all, including “one believer who literally hugs the cross every day.”
The debate is especially personal for Dorena Osborn, Hubert Call’s granddaughter, who said her family never would have sold the land without expecting the cross to be protected.
Dorena Osborn, left, Kevin Pope and Emily Berriault visit the site of the former Albany Cross, Friday, June 23, 2023, two weeks after the 28-foot tall structure was removed from its foundation by the city of Albany. They are fighting to have the cross resurrected. (Karl Mondon/Bay Area News Group)
Dorena Osborn, left, Kevin Pope and Emily Berriault visit the site of the former Albany Cross, Friday, June 23, 2023, two weeks after the 28-foot tall structure was removed from its foundation by the city of Albany. They are fighting to have the cross resurrected. (Karl Mondon/Bay Area News Group)
Emily Berriault, left, Dorena Osborn and Kevin Pople visit the site of the former Albany Cross, Friday, June 23, 2023, two weeks after the 28-foot tall structure was removed from its foundation by the city of Albany. They are fighting to have the cross resurrected. (Karl Mondon/Bay Area News Group)
“My grandparents wanted to preserve the heritage of the community, who already had a tradition of having services on the hill with the cross but didn’t have a permanent place for it,” Osborn said Friday. “It breaks my heart that people distorted the history of the cross, saying it was a KKK cross, and that’s so not true. … What’s ironic about Albany is that their platform is ‘diversity and tolerance.’ This is completely against diversity and tolerance.”
Kevin Pope, president of the Albany Lions Club, agreed. Rather than spend potentially up to $1 million in public money for the land, he said people who don’t like the cross should simply not look at it.
The city’s “excuse for using eminent domain is they want an unencumbered park, which to me is ridiculous. I think they’re wasting the city’s money, and I think they just gave the city of Albany a black eye,” Pope said. “There’s a lot of people who love it being up there — a lot of people go up there and pray and have church services. It’s sacred ground to us, and taking it down shows their intolerance toward Christian values.”
While somewhat unlikely, the court could disagree that the city is within its rights to claim the land, and a judge could order that the cross be resurrected back atop Albany Hill — at the city’s expense.
Elected officials have long been divided about what to do with crosses erected in public. In 1997, for example, San Francisco resolved a lawsuit against it over a 103-foot-tall cross on Mount Davidson by selling the land under it to a local nonprofit organization that planned to maintain it as a memorial for Armenians who died during the Turkish Ottoman Empire.
In 2006, thousands of white, wooden crosses were erected along a private hillside property near the Lafayette BART station, creating a memorial of U.S. soldiers killed in the Iraq and Afghanistan wars that was visible from Highway 24. But the crosses’ fate remains uncertain after the family of the couple that had owned the land appeared prepared to sell the property.
Albany’s decision to remove the cross delighted Annie Laurie Gaylor, who co-founded the Wisconsin-based Freedom From Religion Foundation in 1976 to push back against religious symbols, teachings and worldviews from creeping into public entities. The foundation fields thousands of complaints each year about everything from publicly funded Bible studies and book bans in schools.
In a time that sees Christian nationalism on the rise, she said, she’s pleased that the city didn’t opt to resolve the issue with a “sweetheart” deal to sell the land and keep the cross.
“It’s very gratifying and satisfying news to see the city do the right thing, even in a political climate that isn’t very supportive of separation of church and state,” Gaylor said. “We do tend to hear more problems in the Bible Belt, but sometimes I think the Bible Belt is everywhere.
“Kudos to Albany and their governance for fighting this and being so adamant.”
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Is the Canelo Alvarez fight perfect timing for Jermell Charlo? Age … – Sporting News
Since putting on gloves at 13 years old, Canelo Alvarez has gone from red-haired rookie sensation to boxing royalty.
Born in Guadalajara, the Mexican star has won gold in four divisions and he’s the current undisputed super middleweight champion. He has beaten the best in boxing, including Shane Mosley, Miguel Cotto, Amir Khan, and Gennadiy Golovkin.
Now 33, the battle-hardened Canelo has transitioned into the “veteran” category and some feel his best years are behind him. He now seeks to prove his doubters wrong when he defends his titles against Jermell Charlo on September 30.
“I always believe that I’m number one, my whole career,” Canelo said at a media workout. “You need to believe in yourself, I still believe I’m number one. But I believe there is more than just one fighter alone at the top, there are a few. I still feel young and fresh. I never think about the end of my career. I just train and fight year after year. I still feel that I’m at my best.”
The Canelo-Charlo fight takes place at the T-Mobile Arena in Las Vegas, a familiar home for Canelo, whereas Charlo is headlining there for the first time. The 12-round bout, plus undercard action, will air on Showtime PPV in the U.S. and DAZN in the U.K.
MORE: The best five years in boxing history revisited
Per Sports Interaction, Canelo is the -388 favorite, while Charlo, the undisputed super welterweight champion, is the +288 underdog. Despite those odds, Charlo, also 33, sees himself as the better fighter.
“This is the biggest fight in boxing, and I’m coming to leave it all in the ring like I do every time,” Charlo said. “I manifested this fight into existence and earned it with everything I’ve done in this sport so far. Canelo is a great fighter, but he’s gonna see what Lions Only is all about. When the fight’s over, people are gonna have to recognize that I’m the best fighter in the sport.”
Charlo is not worried about the weight gain, having to move up two weight classes to take on Canelo. Sparring big men and working alongside his brother Jermall, the WBC middleweight champion, Jermell believes this is the perfect time to fight Canelo.
Does Charlo have a fair point? Could Canelo be overlooking the supposedly smaller man?
Canelo already announced his intentions on The Breakfast Club to retire around 36-37. He even teased retirement if he lost to John Ryder in May, which is a fight he would go on to win by unanimous decision. A former pound-for-pound No. 1, Canelo has tough challenges ahead of him outside of Charlo, including David Benavidez and a potential rematch against light heavyweight champion Dmitry Bivol.
Boxing great Bernard Hopkins believes Charlo is a different challenge for Canelo, who hasn’t fought below super middleweight since 2019.
WATCH: Canelo Alvarez vs. Jermell Charlo, live on DAZN
“His style is totally different from the styles that Canelo has fought. [Charlo is] younger, more determined to prove that Canelo’s time has been great, but it’s up,” Hopkins told Fight Hype via Boxing Social. “I just believe that Canelo will have to get him out of there early. The later the fight goes, the more Canelo will start showing not only his age but he’ll start showing the success he’s been enjoying for so long is starting to look different.
“I see hard-earned, skillful moments in that fight where [Charlo], who wants to prove himself, will come out and show us something that we knew he had, but he’s never had to show it till he steps in with Canelo. Canelo elevates Charlo. I just think he has the skills, and if he maintains that mentality, it can be really a nightmare for Canelo, based on style.”
Charlo was supposed to fight Tim Tszyu for super welterweight gold before a hand injury nixed a planned bout. He wants to become undisputed at 168, return to 154, and potentially take on pound-for-pound No. 1 Terence Crawford. Regardless of his upcoming plans, Charlo’s focus is solely on beating Canelo, the man who has had beef with both brothers.
Holding more gold and honoring family is enough motivation for Charlo. Though he has proven everyone wrong over the years, the current uncertainty surrounding Canelo may be the perfect time for the Louisiana-born Charlo to face the super middleweight king.
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US says to complete offshore wind auctions on schedule next year – ETEnergyWorld
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Pa. public colleges battle for students and funding – Inside Higher Ed
Enrollment in the state has plummeted, but it has one of the highest ratios of institutions to students in the country. The result is fierce competition over a dwindling pool of applicants.
By Liam Knox
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Daniel Greenstein, chancellor of the Pennsylvania State System of Higher Education, stands in front of a downward-trending graph showing state high school graduation rates in 2019. As enrollment nosedived across the state’s public colleges, Greenstein merged campuses in his system.
Ben Hasty/MediaNews Group/Reading Eagle via Getty Images
Pennsylvania has a numbers problem.
With nearly 250 colleges and universities, including over 40 public institutions, Pennsylvania has the fourth most higher education institutions of any state, after California, Texas and New York. It is home to four public multicampus institutions—Pennsylvania State University, the University of Pittsburgh, Temple University and the Pennsylvania State System of Higher Education (PASSHE)—in addition to Lincoln University, an HBCU, and a sprawling, decentralized network of community colleges. That’s not even counting the 129 private colleges.
But while there’s no shortage of suppliers, demand for higher education in the Keystone State is nowhere near what it used to be.
While the more popular campuses are stable or growing, many of the state’s public institutions have seen drastic enrollment declines since 2010. Enrollment at Penn State’s University Park campus is up 8 percent since 2010, and Pitt Oakland is up by 1 percent. But when the numbers at the two institutions are considered, including all of their campuses, both have suffered drops of over 30 percent, according to public data from the institutions. PASSHE’s systemwide enrollment has also fallen by 30 percent in the same period.
Those enrollment declines are largely thanks to steep drops at the regional comprehensive universities, which in many cases are over 50 percent. Enrollment at Penn State Hazleton, for instance, has dropped by 64 percent since 2010; at Pitt Titusville it has fallen by 96 percent, leaving only 23 students on campus in 2022.
There are a number of usual suspects behind Pennsylvania’s enrollment crisis, chief among them a general demographic decline in the state. The entire nation is facing a projected demographic cliff in 2026, but Pennsylvania is on the bleeding edge, hemorrhaging residents faster than 46 other states, according to 2022 census data.
But Andrew Koricich, executive director of the Alliance for Research on Regional Colleges, said neither explanation tells the whole story. Affordability is the crux of the state’s enrollment woes, he said, not falling birth rates.
“The demographic cliff is a convenient scapegoat sometimes,” he said. “It allows lawmakers and college leaders to say, ‘Oh, well, it’s inevitable. There’s nothing we can do.’”
In 2021 Pennsylvania ranked 49th in the country in public funding for higher education per full-time student, according to the State Higher Education Executive Officers Association’s higher education finance report. Pennsylvania state funding is tied to enrollment and retention outcomes, which, as has been noted, are on the decline.
As a result, the state’s public institutions are also some of the most expensive in the country. The average cost of attending a state institution for a Pennsylvania resident is $26,040, nearly 70 percent more than the national average, making it the third most expensive state for public higher education, according to a recent Education Data Initiative report.
PASSHE chancellor Daniel Greenstein noted that for many Pennsylvania institutions, his own included, the demographic drop-off doesn’t account for the extent of the enrollment declines. While the state’s college-going demographics have fallen by a little over 5 percent, most colleges’ enrollment drops have been well into the double digits.
“We’re the most affordable option in Pennsylvania, but that’s not a high bar. It’s really expensive to go to public college in this state,” Greenstein said. “Price matters a lot, and differentiating based on affordability matters now more than ever. That’s something we’re trying to focus on.”
For Koricich, this is the crux of the problem that he says lawmakers aren’t seeing clearly: less state funding means less affordable college, which in turn contributes to a vicious cycle of enrollment declines and student exodus from the state. Many of those students who might otherwise have gone to regional universities and remained in the area then also resettle after graduating, compounding existing workforce shortages.
“If you keep making college unaffordable to people, why would we be surprised that they want to leave?” he said.
Greenstein echoed those concerns, though he feels that lawmakers on both sides of the aisle are willing to help buoy higher education when tied to workforce outcomes. But he said time is of the essence, as neighboring states with more public funding offer similar educational benefits for a fraction of the price—like New York, which offers free tuition for students whose family income is under $125,000 a year.
“When states around us are acting in a very deliberate and aggressive way, you’re gonna find our students leaving the state to get their education, and they don’t come back,” Greenstein said. “At this point we gotta boogie, because we’re not too far off.”
Last summer, PASSHE merged six of its campuses into two multicampus institutions in a process the system called “integration,” in order to cut costs and center student success, according to Greenstein, as well as maintain the system as a driver of workforce development and social mobility in the state.
Bashar Hanna, president of Commonwealth University—which is made up of the former Lock Haven, Bloomsburg and Mansfield University campuses in the rural center and north of the state—said the integration process made a big difference. Not only did it reduce inefficiencies and expenses, he said; it also helped them make the case the case for the commonwealth to students from local school districts by allowing them to combine their resources for recruitment and student success.
Last year enrollments decreased at all three campuses, but Hanna said new student deposits for the fall are up by 8 percent this year.
“Rural Pennsylvania is not thriving … we wanted to make sure that our students were going to college locally, meaning within 75 miles of home, and then the likelihood of them staying after they graduate goes up exponentially,” Hanna said. “We’re not back to pre-COVID enrollment levels, but we’re certainly much better off than we were a few years ago.”
State lawmakers rewarded those efforts by approving PASSHE’s largest budget increase ever last year, at 16 percent. That was followed by another 6 percent increase in this year’s proposed budget, which is currently stalled in the General Assembly.
Other public institutions are still floundering. Penn State has been vocally lobbying for more state support, claiming that it has been comparatively underfunded for years. In September the university requested a 48 percent appropriations increase.
Lisa Maria Powers, Penn State’s assistant vice president of media and executive communications, said the university has had the lowest per-student state funding of any in Pennsylvania for over half a century. According to a university analysis, Penn State is funded at $5,600 per resident student, compared to $8,275 for Temple and $9,049 for Pitt; the national per-student average for state funding was $9,327 in 2021, according to a SHEEO analysis.
PASSHE is also the only state-owned system in Pennsylvania, with a Board of Governors entirely appointed by the governor with approval from the Legislature. Penn State, Pitt and Temple describe themselves as “state-related” and have much more leeway to operate as independent bodies. The majority of their governing boards are elected by alumni.
Koricich said that helps explain why PASSHE has taken on the task of consolidation and fat-trimming while Penn State has left its sprawling network of campuses largely untouched, despite many of them experiencing much higher enrollment declines. But he is not a fan of PASSHE’s integration plan. It has a bevy of critics, in fact, something Koricich realizes comes with the territory of making difficult decisions. He just doesn’t think those decisions were necessary—or that they’ll lead to enrollment increases.
“Now you’ve thrown six regional publics in front of a freight train, for what?” Koricich said. “To me, the state’s willingness to just let PASSHE kind of fall on the sword is missing the fundamental problem here, which is that the flagships are just sucking up all of the oxygen.”
Greenstein said the cuts associated with integration did not affect student services or popular programs.
“We did this to serve students better,” he said. “Somehow, someway, this problem has to be addressed or Pennsylvania higher ed is going to be in a bad state.”
Robert Gregerson, president of the University of Pittsburgh at Greensburg, is working to mitigate the effects of a 27 percent enrollment decline in the past decade. He said that while the Pitt system was too small for mergers to be a consideration there, he understood the path PASSHE was taking.
“The era of continual growth is in the rearview mirror,” he said. “State institutions not only in Pennsylvania but across the Midwest and Northeast are going to have to figure out what rightsizing means for them.”
Pennsylvania is one of a handful of states with no state higher education commission or governing board to oversee its public universities; each institution has a highly prized and carefully guarded autonomy.
For Koricich, that’s part of the problem.
“There is no coordinating board, there is no governing board, there is no referee to say all of these different institutions in different sectors with different finances have to play nicely together,” he said.
Penn State, Koricich said, has benefited the most from this oversight vacuum. With 20 campuses across the state, it is by far the largest higher education presence in Pennsylvania; PASSHE had 14 before its integration plan took effect—it now has 10—and Pitt has five. Koricich said that without state intervention, Penn State has been able to eat away at a dwindling pool of in-state students looking to attend a regional public institution, exacerbating the enrollment crisis for some of the state’s most hard-hit colleges and universities.
“Some of [Penn State’s campuses] are within 30 miles of PASSHE schools; some of them are right on top of community colleges. One of those places has a brand name that everyone recognizes and the others don’t,” he said. “[State lawmakers] have let this behemoth just sort of run roughshod over higher ed in the state, and they haven’t done anything to control it.”
Powers, of Penn State, pushed back on this portrayal. She said the university’s branch locations are crucial to its land-grant mission, and that they serve primarily local populations of underserved students.
“Our Commonwealth Campuses have been around a long time, some nearly 100 years; and all of Penn State’s campuses pre-date the formation of PASSHE. In addition, almost all of our campuses were in place well before the introduction of community colleges in Pennsylvania,” Powers wrote in an email to Inside Higher Ed.
Some believe the current crisis requires more coordination between the disparate independent institutions and could lead lawmakers to explore the possibility of a central oversight body. Pennsylvania governor Josh Shapiro, a Democrat elected last year, called for a rethinking of the loose structure during a budget address in March.
“What we are doing right now isn’t working,” he said. “Colleges are competing with one another for a limited dollar: they’re duplicating degree programs, they’re driving up the cost and they’re actually reducing access.”
Some, like Greenstein, prefer incentives and market-based solutions to the issue; while PASSHE is consolidating campuses, he said the move may not be right for other Pennsylvania institutions.
But Gregerson said that if there were a time to experiment with statewide coordination, it’s now.
“There have been conversations about that in the past which didn’t produce any change. But I think we might be at a point now where folks will take it more seriously,” he said. “Whether there’s the political will for that, I don’t know. But I think it could be helpful.”
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